David Schraub at The Debate Link posted a couple of days ago about a conference the Iranian government has said it is going to hold on the Holocaust, probably as a way of trying to legitimize the comments President Ahmadinejad has been making about the Holocaust being a myth dreamed up by the Europeans as a way of getting the Jews out of Europe. In that post, which I commented on here but which has continued to niggle at me (hence the post you are reading now), David took on in a very passionate and moving way the question of why there is so little systemic analysis of global anti-Semitism the way there is of racism or sexism or of class issues.
Like with racism, our society is both pervasively and structurally anti-Semitic. 60 years after the Holocaust, one would think this wouldn’t need to be established. But yet, there is almost no literature analyzing anti-Semitism as a structural phenomena, as opposed to a particularly long-running aberration or a mere “me too” example to go along with other forms of ethnic hatred. What it means to be “anti-Semitic” [in] a social or ideological sense is severely under-examined, meaning that anti-Semitism gets defined only as its most extreme manifestations, rabid hate and/or violence.
There is a lot of truth in this. Indeed, you could take the absence of analysis that Schraub points out as a sign of the truth of his statement. Books like Anti-Semitism in America by Leonard Dinnerstein tend to be the exceptions that prove the rule. One reason there is such a scarcity of the kind of analysis Schraub talks about might be that, as Dinnerstein asserts in his conclusion, and as many others have said as well, relatively speaking, Jews are safer now, especially in the United States, then perhaps at any other time in our history. This doesn’t mean it doesn’t behoove us to be careful. To fail to learn from history, after all, is to doom ourselves to repeat it. Indeed, one of the more telling points Schraub makes, though he makes it more by implication than explicit assertion, is that anti-Semitism is more often than not treated as an ahistorical phenomenon, and he suggests one way that the phenomenon of Jew-hatred in the contemporary world might be historicized:
Why, for example, only the Jewish national state is seen as prima facia illegitimate, when no such claims are made of the French state, or the Russian state, or (God forbid) the Palestinian state could very easily be examined through such anti-Semitic constructs like “the Mark of Cain”, by which Jews were forever consigned to live in miserable exile for their collective national sins.
His point, that it is worth asking whether there is a connection between “anti-Semitic constructs like ‘the Mark of Cain,’” which was a canard the medieval Church used to brand Jews as eternal outsiders, and the worldwide obsession with the question of Israel’s legitimacy as a Jewish State that you find throughout the world – to the exclusion of asking similar questions about other states that were formed as a result of occupation by external forces and all that goes with it – is an important methodological one. The answer might be no, but asking the question honestly would very likely reveal some interesting things about the underlying cultural and ideological assumptions of those who critique Israel on these grounds.
Schraub then goes on to say that he understands
the frustration of leftist scholars who believe they have legitimate (if not morally imperative) critiques of Israel who feel like even a whisper will expose them to reflexive attacks of “anti-Semitism.” And maybe in some cases it [does]. [… Charges of a]nti-semitism [are] going to be heard often with regards to anti-Israel critics [however] because in the current global schema of anti-Semitism, Israel is the central point of revelation.
This is also true. You rarely hear charges these days about Jewish money the way you once did, but you do hear all kinds of things about the Jews and Israel, and about Israel and Jewishness, but then Schraub says something that is troubling:
With regards to Israel, anti-Semitism is alleged because anti-Semitism is the central issue in the Israel/Palestine debate. Anti-Israel speakers know, on the deepest (perhaps sub-conscious) level, that this is the case, which is why they battle so ferociously to keep it out of the discussion.
The way this is written seems to me enormously self-centered. For whom is anti-Semitism “the central issue in the Israel/Palestine debate?” Not the Palestinians, I can assure you. It’s the Jews, and while I do not want to minimize the reality of anti-Semitism in many of the (usually left-wing) critiques of Israel that are out there, or the potential harm they do, to suggest that this anti-Semitism is the central issue in the conflict is to deny almost entirely any legitimacy to what is central for the Palestinians. There are, in other words, at least two centers in this conflict, and Schraub’s formulation would seem to render one of them entirely invisible. Anti-Semitism is a reality; it is a pervasive reality; but to claim it as the central issue in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is also to render it an essential and defining characteristic of Jewish identity, and that is frightening to me, because it defines Jewish identity not in terms of what it means to be Jewish in an affirmative sense, but rather in terms of someone else’s desire to negate that identity entirely. It is one thing to point out that talk about Israel is where, in today’s world, anti-Semitism makes itself felt; it is quite something else to conclude that anti-Semitism is therefore the center of what that talk about Israel is really about.
I think that’s a fair critique. I should note that while I think that anti-semitism is a (previously I may have used “the”, but I’m now convinced “a” is better) center of the I/P conflict, the larger connection isn’t necessarily true – Israel or the battle over its existence isn’t necessarily the center of what it means to be Jewish.
But I do think that anti-semitism, while not “the” center, is “a” center of I/P conflict. This is especially true for outside commentators. I’d suspect that both sides “on the ground” have very little use for the grand theoretical gestures being played out in foreign academic circles. On a localized level, there are always a multiplicity of causes for violence and strife, ranging from basic ethnic hate, to individualized slights, to national pride, to conflict over resources (etc). But I do think that on the outside most of those issues largely fall away in our discussions, and the primary mover is anti-semitism is some manifestation or another.
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