How does the current fighting between, on the one hand, Israel and Hamas and, on the other hand, Israel and Hezbollah, not make one sick with grief and rage? Actually, to call what is happening in the north “fighting between Israel and Hezbollah” is to make what is actually going on there invisible, because what is actually going on is a campaign of airstrikes against Lebanon that, according to Louise Arbour, the UN’s high commissioner of human rights, is quoted in today’s times as saying could, because of “the scale of killings in the region, and their predictability…engage the personal criminal responsibility of those involved, particularly those in a position of command and control.” In other words, they could qualify as war crimes. Doesn’t matter how wrong Hezbollah was to cross over into Israeli territory — and make no mistake; it was wrong — Israel’s response is far out of proportion to that act, and the arguments I have heard to the contrary do not convince me otherwise.
Such arguments include the one that I heard Israeli officials giving on BBC yesterday, in which they reason that they are, by destroying Hezbollah — and they are, of course, arrogant enough not to see that what they are doing might actually increase support for that organization — is creating an opportunity for the Lebanese government to step in and take charge of its own country. As if, when the bombing is over, and assuming that Hezbollah has indeed been wiped or sufficiently crippled as to be unable to operate, the Lebanese government might actually turn to Israel and say, “Thanks for taking our country back more than twenty years and for killing however many innocent civilians; you’ve really done us a favor.” The reasoning is not much different from the one we heard when the US invaded Iraq, that the people would be out on the streets welcoming our soldiers with flowers, and we have seen how accurate that prediction was.
The other response I have heard — or read; I don’t remember which — from Israel to accusations that their response to Hezbollah’s incursion has not been proportional is that the response is in proportion not to the specific act, but rather to the risk posed to Israel by Hezbollah’s presence on its norther border. I don’t know if I can say this without seeming to justify what Israel is doing — because I am adamantly opposed to what Israel is doing — but this is a response I have some sympathy for. Whatever one wants to say about the history of Israel’s founding (and, let’s be honest, that history is the history of one people systematically appropriating — sometimes legally; sometimes not; sometimes peacefully; sometimes not — the land of another people), the fact is that Israel exists now as a sovereign nation and it is no small thing for any sovereign nation to have on its borders even one, and Israel has two, entities sworn to its destruction. More to the point, at least one of those entities, Hezbollah, has the strong enough backing of at least two nations to the point where it can function almost as a separate government within the soveriegn nation of Lebanon. In other words, Hezbollah is set up such that it can claim the protections afforded by, and gains the “shielding benefits” of being in another sovereign nation, even as it operates independently, or can operate independently, of that nation’s government.
Given that situation, and the fact of an Hamas-led Palestinian government, how should Israel have responded to what, in almost any other circumstance, would have been interpreted as an act of war? (And I am talking here only about Hezbollah’s incursion. Hamas is the elected leadership of an occupied people; their situation is, for me, very different.) Let me say this again: I do not mean that I think Israel should have responded as it did. I am honestly asking what Israel should have done. Negotiate indirectly, as Hezbollah demanded?
July 21st
I started this post yesterday and then got interrupted and so I don’t remember precisely what I was going to say next about Hezbollah’s demand that the only way the two soldiers they hold would be returned would be through indirect negotiations for an exchange for prisoners in Israeli jails, but I do know that part of the general point I wanted to make was this: At some point, Hezbollah needs to bear some responsibility for its refusal to recognize Israel and for the behavior in which it engages as it pursues its goal of Israel’s destruction. Still, I write this after reading yesterday that Israel has hinted there might be a full-scale invasion of Lebanon, though in today’s paper, Israeli officials are talking about “pinpoint” operations to “clean up Hezbollah posts on the ground.” Either way, the reality of what that invasion will mean for the people of Lebanon seems to make anything else I might have had in mind to write seem self-indulgent and pointless. (And I haven’t even said anything about what is going on in Gaza yet.) How dare I, it seems to me I have to ask, pose questions about Hezbollah’s responsibility when Israel is clearly doing far more damage to Lebanon than Hezbollah has ever done to Israel? But I have to admit such questions keep coming back to me, not because, I will say it again, I think Israel is right to have responded the way it did, but because it seems to me that Hezbollah invited this kind of situation by setting itself up in such a way that it is woven intimately into the daily lives of the people who live in southern Lebanon. In other words, if there is such a thing as national sovereignty, and if Israel possesses it, and if Hezbollah, an organization dedicated to the destruction of the State of Israel, violated that sovereignty, and if Israel, as a sovereign nation, has the right to respond to such violation (indeed, given the fact that some sort of military response on Israel’s part was at some point almost certainly predictable), who bears responsibility for the fact that, in order to attack Hezbollah, even the most restrained attack one could imagine, Israel would likely have to attack areas where there would almost certainly be significant civilian casualties? Should Israel therefore not attack, ever, at all? Does Hezbollah get to keep doing what it does, being who it is, on Israel’s border in perpetuity and with impunity?
Israel should have, as the US should have with both its bombing of Afghanistan and its invasion of Iraq, gone first to the international community and not acted unilaterally, even though it is arguable that, as a sovereign nation, unilateral action was their right. Whether or not the international community could have secured the release of the two kidnapped soldiers, such a move would have given any actions the Israeli’s decided to take against Hezbollah a good deal more legitimacy. Not that it would have justified the carnage Israel is now inflicting on Lebanon; I don’t think anything justifies that. Instead, though, Israel has chosen to act in a way that is consistent with its status as an occupying power, even though it was not occupying southern Lebanon, and the reality is that, next to this fact, my questions pale, because even if Hezbollah is responsible for what it has done, for where it is and for how it has set up its operations, that responsibility should not be used to obscure what Israel has done and how it has set up its operations.
I have great sympathy for the bind that Hamas and Hezbollah put Israel in: How do you live at peace when your neighbors have sworn themselves to your destruction? How often do you allow those neighbors to hurt you, to damage you, before you are left with no choice but to fight back? And how, once you decide to fight back, do you not make the destruction of those who would destroy you one of your goals? But here’s the problem, once you start asking those questions, you have almost no choice but to start talking about this history of Israel’s founding, and once you start talking about that, the competing historical narratives and claims of atrocities committed and so on of the Israelis and the Palestinians – not to mention of those who, in the rest of the world, support whichever side they suppot – make it impossible to see how any resolution can ever be reached.
I don’t know. Sometimes I get so frustrated that I think they should all just fight each other into oblivion; neither side seems willing to do what it needs to do to achieve a real and lasting peace. But that also is not an answer, and so I go back and forth between and among anger and rage and, most of all right now, deep, deep sadness. Because I don’t see a way out. Because whether or not Israel destroys Hezbollah, this war will not have the effect Israel hopes it will have. Because if Hezbollah and Hamas succeed in destroying Israel, it will be for the Israelis what the current war in Lebanon and Gaza is for the Lebanese and the Palestinians, and it will be the victory of a certain kind of religious and political extremism, of religious imperialism, and, on the other hand, it will be hard not to read as yet one more example of why the Jews need a country of their own (even though I personally do not agree with that position). Because, because, because, because, because.…. It all makes me think of a poem by Saadi, a 13th century Persian poet selections of whose works I have translated. This is from his Gulistan. He wrote it at a time when it was the Muslims who held real power, but the point of the poem, I think, is well taken today. It’s from the last section of the book, called, in my translation, “Principles of Social Conduct.”
Everyone thinks his own thinking is perfect and that his child is the most beautiful.
I watched a Muslim and a Jew debate
and shook with laughter at their childishness.
The Muslim swore, “If what I’ve done is wrong,
may God cause me to die a Jew.” The Jew
swore as well, “If what I’ve said is false,
I swear by the holy Torah that I will die
a Muslim, like you.” If tomorrow the earth
fell suddenly void of all wisdom
no one would admit that it was gone.