Translating Classical Persian Poetry: Why Retranslate Attar’s “Ilahi-Nama?”

Farid Al-Din Attar is one of the most impor­tant writ­ers in the Per­sian canon. Not only is he a major poet in his own right, but his work offers cru­cial insight into Sufi thought and expe­ri­ence, while pre­fig­ur­ing other impor­tant poets like Rumi, Saadi and Hafez. As well, once trans­la­tions of clas­si­cal Per­sian lit­er­a­ture began to appear in Eng­lish in the 18th and 19th cen­turies, Attar’s work — along with, among oth­ers, that of the three poets I just men­tioned — played an impor­tant role both in help­ing the English-speaking world of the time under­stand Per­sian and Islamic cul­ture and in bring­ing into Eng­lish lit­er­a­ture an influ­ence felt by the likes of Matthew Arnold and Lord Byron, and that con­tem­po­rary writ­ers like Robert Bly con­tinue to find impor­tant. It is both ironic and a shame, there­fore, that only one of Attar’s major works, Man­teq al-Tayr, exists in a con­tem­po­rary trans­la­tion for a gen­eral English-language read­er­ship, The Con­fer­ence of the Birds, pub­lished in 1984 by Afkham Dar­bandi and Dick Davis. Read­able, enjoy­able and poet­i­cally pow­er­ful, The Con­fer­ence of the Birds is the kind of trans­la­tion we deserve of a lit­er­a­ture that has influ­enced ours in such sig­nif­i­cant ways. Unfor­tu­nately, what­ever its mer­its on schol­arly grounds, the same can­not be said — at least not with the same enthu­si­asm — for John Andrew Boyle’s out-of-print trans­la­tion of Ilahi-Nama, The Ilahi-Nama or Book of God, pub­lished by the Uni­ver­sity of Man­ches­ter Press in 1976.

In an essay called “Rep­re­sen­ta­tions of Attar in the West and in the East,” Christo­pher Shackle crit­i­cizes Mar­garet Smith’s 1932 trans­la­tion of Man­teq al-Tayr for being writ­ten “in a prose whose archaisms, includ­ing bib­li­cal ‘thee’s and ‘thou’s, cover Attar’s stu­diously clear style with a patina of rev­er­ence….” (187). Boyle’s Ilahi-Nama suf­fers from the same weak­ness. Here, for exam­ple, is his ren­der­ing of the pas­sage in “The Tale of Mar­juma” where the woman berates her brother-in-law for try­ing to have his way with her:

She said to him: “Art thou not ashamed before God? Dost thou thus show respect to thy brother?
Is this thy reli­gion and thy pro­bity? Dost thou thus keep trust for thy brother?
Go, repent, return to God, and eschew this wicked thought.”

That man said to the woman: “It is no use; thou must sat­isfy me at once,
Oth­er­wise I will cease to con­cern myself about thee, I will expose thee to shame, I will slight thee.
Straight­away now I shall cast thee to destruc­tion, I shall cast thee into a fear­ful plight.” (32)

As well, Boyle too often relies on a lit­er­al­ness that ends up being unin­ten­tion­ally comic and/or almost impos­si­ble to com­pre­hend. The first line of the final sec­tion of the “Exordium,” in which Attar praises and med­i­tates upon the great­ness of God — “Come, musk of the soul, open thy musk-bladder, for thou art the deputy of the Vicar of God” (27) — is an exam­ple of the for­mer. In “The Tale of Mar­juma,” to give an exam­ple of the lat­ter, when the female pro­tag­o­nist is on a ship at sea, about to be raped by the entire crew, she prays to God to save her. This is Boyle’s ren­der­ing of that scene:

When the woman learned of these wicked men’s feel­ings, she saw the whole sea as a liver from her heart’s blood.
She opened her mouth [and said]: “O Knower of Secrets, pre­serve me from the evil of these wicked men.” (38)

The phrase “the whole sea as a liver from her heart’s blood” clearly relates to the idea in Per­sian cul­ture that the liver, not the heart, is the seat of emo­tion, but what the phrase means, except in the vaguest of senses, is far from clear. By way of com­par­i­son, here is my ver­sion of those lines:

When she learned
what the men intended, she turned
and saw in the sea sur­round­ing her,
filled with her heart’s blood, a liver
wide enough to hold all she felt.
Her mouth fell open. She knelt,
prayed: “Pro­tect me, Knower of Secrets!
Save me from this wickedness.”

I make no claim that this is great poetry, or that there is no bet­ter solu­tion to the “heart’s-blood-liver” metaphor; and I am very aware that whether or not my trans­la­tion will endure is a ques­tion that only time and read­ers will answer, but the value of bring­ing Ilahi-Nama into 21st cen­tury Amer­i­can Eng­lish poetry is not only, and not even pri­mar­ily, that it might be suc­cess­ful in these terms. Rather, the value lies in the sus­tained engage­ment trans­la­tion is — both in the writ­ing and the read­ing — with another culture.

On the one hand, the value of such engage­ment is, or ought to be, self-evident, requir­ing no fur­ther jus­ti­fi­ca­tion. On the other hand, how­ever, given the cur­rent national and inter­na­tional polit­i­cal moment, it is, or ought to be, impos­si­ble to talk about trans­lat­ing Per­sian lit­er­a­ture with­out also talk­ing about both the state of rela­tions between Iran and the United States and the polit­i­cal unrest that has focused world atten­tion on Iran since the con­tested pres­i­den­tial elec­tions there in June 2009. Each of those dynam­ics demands that the peo­ple of the United States learn as much about the Iran­ian peo­ple, their cul­ture and their his­tory, as we pos­si­bly can, espe­cially since our col­lec­tive igno­rance about Iran has been pro­found since diplo­matic rela­tions between our two coun­tries ended after the Islamic Rev­o­lu­tion in 1979 – 80. Boyle’s trans­la­tion of Ilahi-Nama is not a text to which peo­ple are likely to go for that kind of learn­ing, most imme­di­ately because it is out of print, but also because its archaic dic­tion and bib­li­cal style is more likely than not to alien­ate them.

I am nei­ther naïve nor arro­gant enough to assume that my trans­la­tion of Ilahi-Nama will by itself effect any change, large or small, in US-Iran rela­tions or that it will alter even one reader’s notions about Iran and/or Islam. I do know, how­ever, that each trans­lated book made avail­able to a read­ing pub­lic increases the like­li­hood of such change tak­ing place. At the very least because it offers a rad­i­cally dif­fer­ent view of Islam from the ver­sion prac­ticed and pro­mul­gated by the cur­rent Iran­ian gov­ern­ment and can there­fore help to com­bat the anti-Muslim stereo­types cur­rently in fash­ion, but even more sig­nif­i­cantly because it is a great work of lit­er­a­ture writ­ten by one of the world’s great­est poets, whom we in the United States deserve to know bet­ter than we do, a new lit­er­ary trans­la­tion of Ilahi-Nama should be among the books mak­ing such change possible.

Sources

ʻAṭṭār, Farīd al-Dīn. The Ilāhī-Nāma Or Book of God of Farīd Al-Dīn ʻAṭṭār. Trans. John Andrew Boyle. Per­sian Her­itage Series, Vol. 29 Man­ches­ter: Man­ches­ter Uni­ver­sity Press, 1976.

Shackle, Christo­pher. “Rep­re­sen­ta­tions of Attar in the West and in the East: Trans­la­tions of the Man­tiq Al-Tayr and the Tale of Shaykh Ṣanʻān.” Attar and the Per­sian Sufi Tra­di­tion: The Art of Spir­i­tual Flight. Eds. Leonard Lewisohn, and Christo­pher Shackle. Lon­don: I. B. Tau­ris, 2006. 165 – 93.

Translating Classical Persian Poetry: Farid al-Din Attar’s “Ilahi-Nama”

One of eight major works that can reli­ably be ascribed to Attar, Ilahi-Nama (Book of God or, some­times, Divine Book) has, accord­ing to Ency­clo­pe­dia Iran­ica, been trans­lated once into Eng­lish, by John A. Boyle in 1976, and once into French, by F. Rouhani in 1961. Four of Attar’s eight works—Ilahi-Nama is part of this sub­set — are mys­ti­cal nar­ra­tives, each one deal­ing with a dif­fer­ent aspect of Sufi thought and expe­ri­ence. Ilahi-Nama’s sub­ject is zuhd, or asceti­cism, which Sufis under­stand to mean a dis­ci­plined stance of detach­ment and indif­fer­ence towards one’s desires so that one will not be ruled by them. This focus on the inte­rior world of human emo­tion dif­fer­en­ti­ates Ilahi-Nama from the other of Attar’s poems with which it is often com­pared, Man­teq al-tayr (Con­fer­ence of the Birds), his best known work in Eng­lish. The two poems are sim­i­lar in form (they are each frame sto­ries) and mes­sage (the key to enlight­en­ment exists within each human being, not in the exter­nal world), but the fram­ing nar­ra­tive of Man­teq al-tayr, an alle­gory about a group of birds in search of a king, is essen­tially a cri­tique of people’s need to find a mas­ter who will lead them on the path to true under­stand­ing. Ilahi-Nama, on the other hand, is about learn­ing to mas­ter oneself.

The fram­ing nar­ra­tive of Ilahi-Nama is about a caliph who asks his six sons what they desire most. The first son says he wants the daugh­ter of the king of the peris (faeries); the sec­ond wants to learn the art of magic; the third son desires Jamshid’s cup because it will reveal to him the secrets of the world; the fourth seeks the water of life; the fifth son cov­ets the ring Solomon used to con­trol demons; and the sixth son wants to mas­ter alchemy. As each son gives his answer, the father tells sto­ries to illus­trate, first, how shal­low and mate­ri­al­is­tic the son is for want­ing what he wants and, sec­ond, how the son should under­stand his desire so he can use it on the path to enlight­en­ment. None of the sons, how­ever, accept their father’s lessons at face value, argu­ing that he has mis­un­der­stood their desires and that the lessons he wants them to learn, there­fore, are mis­guided. When the father tells his first son what has come to be known as “The Tale of Mar­juma,” for exam­ple — about a beau­ti­ful and right­eous woman who, after her hus­band leaves on pil­grim­age to Mecca, must fend off a series of men who are so over­come with lust when they glimpse her beauty that they will stop at noth­ing to have her — the son accuses his father of want­ing to elim­i­nate sex. “God for­bid[!]” the father replies, explain­ing that “The Tale of Mar­juma” illus­trates how sex, prop­erly com­pre­hended and entered into, is a first step on the path to enlightenment:

But when your desire achieves apoth­e­o­sis,
sex gives birth to a love with­out lim­its;
and when this love is pushed by pas­sion to the edge
of its strength, spir­i­tual love emerges; and when
spir­i­tual love can grow no fur­ther, your soul
will van­ish into the Beloved’s end­less­ness. (My translation)

Given that the sur­face of the nar­ra­tive in “The Tale of Mar­juma” feels more like a Perils-of-Pauline-type story in which the depraved and debauched men get their come­up­pance than one about the spir­i­tual nature of sex­u­al­ity, the son’s mis­read­ing of the tale is an easy one to fall into. Such a read­ing, how­ever, fails to account for, among other things, the fact that not all the men who try to pos­sess the woman give in to their desires with­out a strug­gle. They are, in other words, nei­ther evil nor merely slaves to their desires; they are human and flawed and, more to the point, they are, in the end, able and will­ing to repent. Indeed, they must repent, for God has pun­ished them with a paral­y­sis from which — in an irony that is at the core of the story’s mean­ing — they can be healed only by con­fess­ing to the woman every­thing they did to her. Con­tinue read­ing

Translating Classical Iranian Poetry: Farid al-Din Attar

Attar's BustThe only things we know for sure about the life of Farid al-Din Attar are that he was a phar­ma­cist and a native of Nisha­pur, Iran, where a mon­u­ment1 to him that was built over his tomb at the end of the 15th cen­tury CE still stands. The best evi­dence that we have places his birth in Nisha­pur in either 1145 or 1146; and schol­ars seem to agree that he died in Nisha­pur when he was well over sev­enty years old, at the hands of Mon­gol invaders, in April of 1221. The leg­ends which grew up around him once his fame as a poet and mys­tic began to spread in earnest in the 1400s tell us some­thing about the high esteem in which oth­ers held him and his work, but — except for the fact of how he earned his liv­ing and his claim that he there­fore did not have to write the eulo­gies and other pan­e­gyrics that court poets had to pro­duce to earn their keep — the work itself reveals next to noth­ing about the details of his life.

Attar wrote six major works of poetry and one of prose. The prose work, Tadhki­rat al-awliya (Mem­oirs of the Saints), is a col­lec­tion of biogra­phies of famous Sufis. The poetic works are Asrar-nama (Book of Mys­ter­ies), Man­tiq al-tayr (The Con­fer­ence of the Birds)[2. The first link will take you to Fitzgerald’s 1800s trans­la­tion; the sec­ond to the Ama­zon page for Dick Davis’s 20th cen­tury trans­la­tion.], Mushibat-nama (Book of Adver­sity), Mukhtar-nama (Book of Selec­tions), Divan (Col­lected Poems), and the book por­tions of which I will be trans­lat­ing, Ilahi-nama (Book of the Divine). Rec­og­nized mas­ter­pieces though they are, none of these books earned Attar much recog­ni­tion out­side of Nisha­pur dur­ing his life­time. Only after he died, in the second half of the 13th cen­tury, did peo­ple start to pay atten­tion in earnest to Mem­oirs of the Saints, and, as men­tioned above, it was not until the 15th cen­tury that his fame as a mys­tic, a poet and mas­ter of nar­ra­tive really began to spread.

The more peo­ple val­ued Attar’s work, the more they told sto­ries about him. There is, for exam­ple, a prob­a­bly apoc­ryphal tale about the time that Rumi’s fam­ily came to Nisha­pur when Rumi was still a child. Attar — who was by then already an old man — imme­di­ately rec­og­nized in the young Rumi a unique curios­ity and intel­li­gence. One day, accord­ing to this nar­ra­tive, Attar saw Rumi fol­low­ing his father out of their house and said, “Look! There goes a sea chased by an ocean!” This story also has Attar giv­ing Rumi a copy of his Book of Mys­ter­ies and, when Rumi’s fam­ily left Nisha­pur, say­ing to Rumi’s father, “One day your son will set fire to all for­lorn hearts” (Moyne & New­man 28 – 29).

The desire that there should have been a meet­ing between Attar and Rumi, cer­tainly one of the great­est poets Iran has ever pro­duced, no doubt arose from Rumi’s own acknowl­edg­ment of Attar as one of his spir­i­tual and lit­er­ary mas­ters. About Attar, for exam­ple, Rumi wrote the following:

Attar was the spirit;
Sanai, its two eyes.
I am their shadow.

Attar has toured the seven cities of love;
I am still at the turn of the first alley. (Quoted in Moyne & New­man 29)

Rumi, in other words, looked to Attar not only, and per­haps not even pri­mar­ily, as a lit­er­ary influ­ence, but also as a spir­i­tual one. Indeed, every­thing Attar wrote is devoted exclu­sively to Sufi prac­tice and ideas. As Leonard Lewisohn and Christo­pher Shackle write in their intro­duc­tion to Attar and the Per­sian Sufi Tra­di­tion: The Art of Spir­i­tual Flight, “through­out all of [Attar’s] gen­uine col­lected works, there does not exist even one sin­gle verse with­out a mys­ti­cal colour­ing [sic]; in fact, Attar ded­i­cated his entire lit­er­ary exis­tence to Sufism” (xix). This spir­i­tual focus lies at the root of Attar’s impor­tance in both the East, where his stature and influ­ence are com­pa­ra­ble to that of John Mil­ton in the West, and the West, where the trans­la­tion and study of his work has not only influ­enced West­ern per­cep­tions of Iran and, more gen­er­ally, Islam, but has also inspired artists of all kinds. Con­tinue read­ing

  1. The image of Attar’s tomb shown below is from the Wiki­me­dia Com­mons. []